U.S. Department of State Briefing with Secretary of State Antony Blinken



U.S. Department of State briefing with Secretary of State Antony Blinken, January 26, 2022

Transcript

Yeah. Mhm. Good afternoon. Everyone last week in Geneva, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov and I met to discuss the crisis instigated by Russia’s military buildup on Ukraine’s borders and steps to deescalate tensions and pursue diplomacy. Russia had previously outlined its concerns and proposals in writing. And last week I told Foreign Minister Lavrov to the United States would do the same today. Ambassador Sullivan delivered are written response in Moscow. All told it sets out a serious diplomatic path forward should Russia choose it. The document was delivered includes concerns of the United States and our allies and partners about Russia’s actions that undermine security, a principled and pragmatic evaluation of the concerns that Russia has raised and our own proposals for areas where we may be able to find common ground. We make clear that there are core principles that we are committed to uphold and defend, including Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and the right of states to choose their own security arrangements and alliances. We’ve addressed the possibility of reciprocal transparency measures regarding force posture in Ukraine as well as measures to increase confidence regarding military exercises and maneuvers in europe. Ah and we address other areas where we see potential for progress, including arms control related to missiles in europe. Our interest in a follow on agreement to the new start treaty that covers all nuclear weapons and ways to increase transparency and stability. We put these ideas forward because they have the potential if negotiated in good faith, to enhance our security and that of our allies and partners, while also addressing Russia’s stated concerns through reciprocal commitments. our response to Russia reflects what I said in Kiev, Berlin and Geneva last week, we’re open to dialogue. We prefer diplomacy and we’re prepared to move forward where there is the possibility of communication cooperation if Russia de-escalates its aggression toward Ukraine stops the inflammatory rhetoric and approaches discussions about the future of security in europe. In a spirit of reciprocity, our responses were fully coordinated with Ukraine and our European allies and partners with whom we’ve been consulting continuously for weeks. We sought their input and incorporated it into the final version delivered to Moscow. Additionally, NATO developed and will deliver to Moscow its own paper with ideas and concerns about collective security in europe and that paper fully reinforces ours and vice versa. There’s no daylight among the United States and our allies and partners on these matters. We shared our response paper with Congress and I’ll be briefing congressional leaders on this later today and consulting with them on our approach as you know, there’s strong bipartisan interest and deep expertise on the hill when it comes to Ukraine and Russia and we very much appreciate having Congress as a partner as we move forward. We’re not releasing the document publicly because we think that diplomacy has the best chance to succeed if we provide space for confidential talks. We hope and expect that Russia will have the same view and we’ll take our proposal seriously, I expect to speak to Foreign Minister Lavrov in the coming days after the Moscow has had a chance to read the paper and is ready to discuss next steps. There should be no doubt about our seriousness of purpose when it comes to diplomacy and we’re acting with equal focus and force to bolster Ukraine’s defenses and prepare a swift united response to further Russian aggression. three deliveries of us defensive military assistance to arrive in key this week carrying additional javelin missiles and other anti armor systems. 283 tons of ammunition and nonlethal equipment essential to Ukraine’s front line defenders. More deliveries are expected in the days to come. We provided more defensive security assistance to Ukraine in the past year than in any previous year. Last week, I authorized U. S. Allies including Estonia Latvia and Lithuania to provide us original military equipment from their inventories for use by Ukraine. Also, last week, We notified Congress of our intent to deliver to Ukraine the MI- 17 helicopters currently held in Defense Department inventories. Additionally, the Secretary of Defense announced on Monday That 8500 us service members currently stationed in Europe and the United States have been placed in heightened readiness, heightened readiness to deploy to ensure that we’re able to support the NATO response force swiftly if it’s activated by the North Atlantic Council to harden the allies, Eastern flank, other NATO allies have also announced steps that they’re prepared to take and we expect more in the coming days, we’ve taken this step out of prudence. We hope those forces don’t have to be activated for deployment, but if they are we will be ready. We’re also continuing to coordinate with our European allies and partners on severe economic sanctions to hold Moscow accountable for its actions, we’ve developed a high impact quick action response that would inflict significant costs on the Russian economy and financial system. As part of our response, we’re also prepared to impose export controls that will have a longer term effect, denying Russia products that it needs to fulfill its strategic ambitions on top of all of that, our allies and partners are also stepping up to provide assistance to Ukraine in various and mutually reinforcing ways. As we’ve done many times before, the alliance and individual allies are coming together to support our partners and to defend what should be inviolable principles that have helped provide unprecedented security stability and prosperity for decades in europe and around the world. Finally, we’re looking to support our allies and partners in dealing with the secondary negative consequences of Russia’s destabilizing acts. For example, we know that Ukraine’s economy and financial position is being affected by this crisis. And just as we’re bolstering Ukraine security. So too are we looking for how we can support its economy beyond the significant assistance were already provided our European allies and partners are doing so as well. And that’s another matter that I’ll have an opportunity to discuss with Congress later this afternoon as we’re taking steps to ensure that the global energy supply isn’t disrupted. That too is an important focus. Should Russia choose to weaponize its natural gas by cutting supply to europe even more than it’s already done. We’re in discussions with governments and major producers around the world about serving their capacity. We’re engaged in detailed conversations with our allies and partners about coordinating our response, including how best to deploy their existing energy stockpiles. All this effort is aimed at mitigating price shocks and ensuring that people in the United States, europe and around the world have the energy they need. No matter what Russia decides to do. All told our actions over the past week have sharpened the choice facing Russia. Now we’ve laid out a diplomatic path, We’ve lined up steep consequences should Russia choose further regression. We stepped forward with more support for Ukraine security and economy and we and our allies and partners are united across the board. Now, we’ll continue to press forward and prepare. It remains up to Russia to decide how to respond. We’re ready either way. one final note. Before I take some questions regarding American citizens in Ukraine, as you know earlier this week, I authorized the voluntary departure of a limited number of U. S. Employees and ordered the departure of many family members of embassy personnel from Ukraine. This was a decision based on one factor only the safety and security of our colleagues and their families and given the continued massive build up of Russian forces on Ukraine’s borders which has many indications of preparations for an invasion. These steps were the prudent ones to take. I want to be clear that our embassy in Kiev will remain open and we continue to maintain a robust presence to provide diplomatic economic and security support to Ukraine. The State Department has also issued an updated travel advisory due to the potential for security conditions to deteriorate rapidly and without warning, if Russia invades or commits other destabilizing actions inside Ukraine, our message. Now for any Americans, Ukraine is to strongly consider leaving using commercial or other privately available transportation options, these options remain readily available and the embassy may extend loans to those who can’t afford the cost of a commercial ticket. While the State Department will always seek to provide consular services wherever possible, Russian military action would severely impact our ability to perform that work. And if Russia invades civilians including Americans still in Ukraine could be caught in a conflict zone between combatant forces. The U. S. Government may not be in a position to aid individuals in these circumstances. This has long been the case in conflict zones around the world. So while we don’t know whether Russia will continue its aggression towards Ukraine. Either way, we have a responsibility to provide this notice to Americans there and with that, happy to take some questions. Hi, thank you Mr. Secretary. Um I realized that you don’t want to get into the specifics of what what what what is actually in this document. And although I’m sure I and my colleagues will continue to try to get them. But can you say more broadly when you say that there are core principles that you’re committed to and to uphold and defend? Does that mean that in this document you told the Russians point blank in writing that no is the answer to their demand for a formal bar on the expansion of NATO, the permanent exclusion of Ukraine and the withdrawal of certain forces and equipment from eastern europe. Is that what this says? Can is there anything different in this document than what we have heard publicly over the course of the last couple of weeks? Again, without going through the specifics of the document, I can tell you that it reiterates what we said publicly for many weeks and in a sense, for many, many years that we will uphold the principle of NATO’s open door. And that’s uh as I’ve said repeatedly in recent weeks, a commitment that we’re bound to. And so the document, as I as I said, makes very clear some of the basic principles that we are standing by committed to and will uphold, much of which has been stated in public, including by me in recent days and weeks. And that goes to NATO’s open door policy. This isn’t about concessions. Well there is no change in the in the U. S. Or NATO position in this document. First of all, there is there is no change. There will be no change. 2nd. We reiterate the that principle. Of course it is for NATO, not the United States unilaterally to um discuss uh the the open door open door policy. These are decisions that NATO makes an alliance, not the United States unilaterally. But from our perspective, I can’t be more clear. NATO’s door is open remains open. Uh And that is our commitment. Do you have any reason to believe then, that the document that was submitted? Well in any way lessen the chance of Russian action? Or was this just to show you tried Margaret what um what we do in this document besides laying out our core principles besides sharing our concerns, concerns of allies and partners about things that Russia is doing. That we believe undermined security and stability. We also do layout areas where we believe that together we could actually advance security for everyone, including for Russia based on some of its stated concerns as well, of course is for us and for our allies and partners. And so there are a number of areas again, based on what Russia has said that I think would make a difference if done on a reciprocal basis and approaching good faith. So for example, as we’ve said, the placement of effect of offensive missile systems in Ukraine military exercises and maneuvers in europe potential arms control measures, greater transparency, um various measures to reduce risks, all of these things would address. I think mutual concerns, including concerns stated by Russia and advanced collective security. So I think there is there are important things to work with if Russia is serious about working with them and that is up to up to President Putin, we’ll see how they respond. But there’s no there’s no doubt in my mind that if Russia were to approach this seriously and in a spirit of reciprocity with the determination to enhanced collective security for all of us, there are great positive things in this in this document that that should be pursued. We can’t make that decision for President Putin only he can make it. I’m not gonna begin negotiating, we’ve said uh Throughout and we of course started this process with the conversations that took place in our strategic stability, dialogue with Russia between Russia and the United States about 10 days ago at the NATO Russia Council at the Organization for Cooperation Security in europe. Um that again, we uh we understand Russia has stated concerns about security. We have our own very clear concerns about security and the actions that Russia is taking, that undermine it. And we are prepared to discuss and if appropriate, eventually negotiate um steps to enhance everyone’s security. And I’ve laid out some of the areas where we think we could do that. But right now this is about the the areas uh and and ideas that we could pursue. And we’ll see how, how Russia responds just buying time until they’re in a place to invade. Ukraine, making you jump through hoops, like hand delivering written responses to questions that you Vance that time and time again in the past. And meanwhile they’re destabilizing Ukraine from within the economy’s crumbling. You’re spending hundreds of millions of dollars showing them up at what point do you stop playing Russia’s game and take preemptive action now? So then um first, uh whereas, you know, not not standing still and we can walk and chew gum at the same time, and that’s very much what we’ve been doing. So we’ve been clear to Russia that there are two paths, a diplomatic one, but also a path of defense and deterrence. And if Russia chooses aggression, a path that will lead to massive consequences. And so even as we’ve been engaging in the diplomacy, which is my job and responsibility, we have been very resolutely preparing for Russia to take the other path, the path of aggression. And as I laid out the work that we’ve done over the past couple of months in bringing allies and partners together around massive consequences for Russia should it renew its aggression and the very detailed work that’s been done on that. Let me finish up and then come back to you. Um the shoring up in very significant ways of our support for Ukraine, including the defensive military support. The drawdown the president issued in December, which has now is now being delivered to Ukraine. The additional steps um to make sure that defensive military assistance was being made available to Ukraine, including the authorizations that I signed a week ago to allow other countries that have us original military equipment to share it with Ukraine. The work we’re doing to bolster Ukraine’s economy. The work we’re doing to shore up europe on energy if there are disruptions as a result of conflict. And of course the orders that the president gave, the Secretary of Defense gave earlier this week, uh to make sure that we are fully prepared on a moment’s notice to reinforce NATO’s eastern flank in the event of renewed Russian aggression. All of those things have been happening very deliberately and and effectively over the last many weeks. So these two paths and the approach that we’ve taken, these are mutually reinforcing. The work that we’re doing on defense, on deterrence bringing allies and partners together, I think reinforces our diplomacy and at the same time it’s very important that we pursue the diplomacy whether or not you may well be right but Russia is not serious about this at all. But we have an obligation to test that proposition to pursue the diplomatic path to leave no diplomatic stone unturned because for sure it’s far preferable to resolve these differences peacefully consistent with our principles then it would be to have renewed regression, renewed conflict and everything that will fall from that. But the point is we’re prepared either way, Mark two. Hello Mr. Secretary. Um I just want to ask you a little bit about the unified approach with with europe. What do you make of Germany stands for example, they ruled out sending lethal weapons to Ukraine. They prevented Estonia from delivering arms. And today there was news out that they’re sending helmets to Ukraine. A delivery Kiev mayor said was a joke, Would you say that you’re happy or satisfied with Germany sending helmets to Ukraine instead of arms shipments. And if I may just ask about the President’s comments yesterday, he said that he would consider sanctioning Putin personally if he decides to invade. How advanced are these plans And then again, going back to unity with europe? Has the United States discussed this with europe? And are they on board? Thank you. 1st. Let me let me say as a general matter and I pretty good at the risk of patting ourselves on the shoulder. I have to say I was struck when I spoke to the um Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union a couple of days ago, that partner after partner, this was in the EU context. But I’ve heard the same thing at NATO um reference the and the word that was used was unprecedented coordination and consultation with allies and partners on on this issue and on this challenge. And one result of that unprecedented coordination consultation is as I see it very strong solidarity in terms of the consequences that will befall Russia if it renews aggression against Ukraine and that is across the board and that includes Germany. And I was just in Germany as as you know very well meeting with Chancellor Schulz and spending a lot of time with my German counterpart, Foreign Minister bareback. And um as I said before, I’m absolutely confident in German solidarity in being with together with us and other allies and partners in confronting renewed Russian aggression against Ukraine. Now look different countries have different authorities, they have different capabilities, they have different areas of expertise and we’re bringing all of those to bear. But doing it in a way that is complementary uh and it speaks to the shared commitment that we have to defend Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Um and its and its independence when it comes to sanctions. I think as as you heard, the President say, everything is on the table, I can tell you this um the steps that we will take together swiftly um will go directly to things that President Putin cares deeply about including um Russia’s ability to engage economically and financially including its ability to develop technology for the sectors that it cares most about like defense like high tech and as the President said, everything is on the table and I’ll leave it at that. Take a final question from um Senator. I was just wondering if this document should be considered a proposal from President Biden to President Putin. And if you can also shine a little bit of light on President Biden’s role in crafting this message. Sure, Probably again the document that we’ve shared with Russia today is does it does a few things first and foremost, it states very clearly uh the principles that we’re committed to and that we will defend one way or the other. 2nd, it lays out our own concerns and allied concerns about actions that Russia has taken is taken is taking not just with regard to Ukraine, but more broadly in the European theater that we believe undermined security. Third, it addresses um concerns that Russia raised in the document that it provided to us. Mhm a couple of weeks ago. And finally um it suggests uh areas where based on reciprocity, we believe we could advance our collective security again, in ways that that address our concerns and in ways that address some of Russia’s concerns, that’s what this does. This, it’s not a formal negotiating document. It’s not explicit proposals. It lays out the areas and some ideas of how we can together if they’re serious advance collective security. Um President Biden was intimately involved in um in this uh in this document, we’ve reviewed it with him repeatedly over the last weeks. Just as we were getting as you know, comments, input ideas from Allies and partners. It was vital that we work on this document, even though it goes to bilateral matters and what NATO is providing presumably goes to the some broader issues that involve NATO and Russia. But Allies and partners were intimately involved as well and we took on board many of the comments they’ve made and integrated them into the document that the President has been deeply involved in this from the get go reviewing various drafts of the of the proposal, making his own edits. And of course, blessing the final a document that was delivered to Russia today. You know, Biden himself, US Biden. Administration officials have said a invasion is potentially imminent. The stakes are incredibly high here. And you guys have also said that Putin is the decision maker. So why not address this directly to him? Given the situation you’re facing right now? I’m not sure what you mean by address it directly to him. This is a this is a document that was prepared on behalf of the United States by its government being delivered to Russia and to its government upon which President Putin presides. I have no doubt that our Russian counterparts and my counterpart, Foreign Minister Lavrov, we’ll share the document with President Putin and uh putting putting things in perhaps everyone else you may be right. Uh And of course, um it’s these are these are also complex issues. Uh and putting things in writing is also a good way, as we do all the time across the board, um, is a good way to make sure we’re as precise as possible. And the Russians understand our positions are ideas as clearly as possible. Right now. The document is with them and the ball’s in their court. We’ll see what we do, as I’ve said repeatedly, whether they choose the path of diplomacy and dialogue, whether they decide to renew aggression against Ukraine. We’re prepared either way. Thank you. Thanks everyone. Thank you. Hey,

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